As we lament about the prominent role of ethnic and religious identity in our politics, we should not fail to also reflect on what is enabling it – our federal system.
The APC selected a Muslim running mate because it believes that that is what will win votes in the North, right? But why do northern Muslim voters insist on a Muslim running mate for Tinubu in the first place? It’s because our federal system has already given them a lot of latitude in determining the faith of their local leaders. By demanding for a Muslim running mate at the centre, they are merely playing Oliver Twist and asking for more of what our federal system has already guaranteed for them in their states.
If a native of Jigawa state (for example) insists on a Muslim running mate for APC in the presidential election, it has a lot to do with the fact that the governor of Jigawa state is always a Muslim, a situation that is established by our federal system. If we didn’t have a federal system and instead have a unitary one like Ghana, Niger or Cameroon, the current (appointed) governor of Jigawa state could be a Christian from Benue state. And if a native of Jigawa had lived his entire 40 years on earth seeing Christian governors come and go in his state, the likelihood that he would demand for a Muslim running mate for Tinubu would be a lot slimmer. This scenario is only an example and it applies to any Nigerian from any state who becomes assertive about identity in our national politics.
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Likewise, if Muslims or Christians are excluded in the top echelons of the administration of some states with diverse populations, it is also a consequence of the federal system which has created elected state executives. Under our past military governments, which resembled a unitary system, Ondo state had Muslim governors (Raji Rasaki and Ahmed Usman), Plateau state had a number of Muslim governors (Musa Shehu, Mohammed Mana, Habibu Shuaibu etc), Katsina state had Christian governors (John Madaki, Lawrence Onoja etc), Kano state had Christian governors (Ishaya Shekari and Dominic Oneya) and Rivers state had Muslim governors Suleiman Saidu and Musa Shehu). If a system like that were to exist in Nigeria at this time, not only would there be no problems of exclusion is states, there is also unlikely to be a demand for, or a need for a Muslim-Muslim ticket for the APC. If a system allows citizens to inhabit self-administered identity enclaves like our states, it is also conditioning them to be uncompromising about identity in national politics.
I know how sacred federalism is in the mind of the average Nigerian, so I won’t upset readers by asking for a switch to a unitary system. But as we constantly accuse each other of “bringing religion” into politics, we need to enrich the discussion by also reflecting on what it is about us that feeds identity politics. Other countries with different systems from ours do not have this problem because their systems haven’t made it a relevant issue. Mention the phrase Muslim-Muslim ticket to any other West African citizen and see if they would understand what you are talking about.
*Dr Raji Bello is a renowned anaesthesiologist and socio-political commentator